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Evidence to the Richard Commission

Delyth Evans (former Labour AM for Mid and West Wales)

Introduction

I approach this review from a position of strong support for devolution. Having served as an Assembly Member for three years, and previously as a special policy adviser to the then First Minister Alun Michael, I am firmly of the view that Wales has been well served by the devolution of powers from Westminster. Democracy has been strengthened, and the governance of Wales has been improved by the existence of the National Assembly for Wales.

That devolution is a process not an event was demonstrated during the Assembly’s first term. The Assembly sought to acquire additional powers from Westminster, and the working arrangements of the Assembly were revised. This process will inevitably continue, as the powers enshrined in the Government of Wales Act are tested and challenged. Reciprocal arrangements at Westminster will also evolve in response to changes in the relationship between the two institutions. This should be welcomed as an on-going process of ensuring better and more effective government for the Welsh people.

However, these are still very early days for our new democracy in Wales. Pressure for drastic change to the current arrangements should be treated with caution. The National Assembly has yet to win wide support amongst the Welsh people. This fact needs to be recognised and taken into account when any significant changes to the settlement are considered.

Powers

The Commission is right to focus on the practical implications of the Assembly’s powers and any proposed changes to them. Philosophical deliberations around appropriate degrees of self-government as an assertion of national identity cannot be resolved by this review.

The National Assembly for Wales was created by a Labour Government to reflect and give expression to the geographic and cultural integrity of Wales as a nation within the United Kingdom, and in doing so to strengthen democracy and deliver better government. Having achieved this level of self-government through the creation of the National Assembly, the question of additional powers is for me primarily a pragmatic one: does the Assembly have the necessary powers to meet the needs of the Welsh people, within the framework of a strong and cohesive United Kingdom?

So far, the Assembly has made good progress in addressing the needs of Wales. As the Assembly’s policies and strategies are followed through, more progress will be made in tackling the central challenges facing the politicians and policy-makers – how to strengthen the Welsh economy; how to improve the health of the Welsh people; and how to lift families and communities out of deprivation. Many of the right strategies are now in place. If these strategies are effectively implemented, and if the current level of public investment is maintained, we will see significant improvements across the policy areas for which the Assembly is responsible.

Primary powers are not a panacea for transforming Wales’s fortunes. The argument that we cannot make real progress in tackling the big social and economic problems without transferring primary powers to the Assembly does not stand up to scrutiny. The Assembly already has the tools – in areas like health, education, skills and training, - to make a real difference. Acquiring primary powers in these fields would not dramatically alter the Assembly Government’s ability to achieve its objectives.

There is much more that can be achieved within the scope of the current powers before we can reasonably conclude, on practical policy grounds, that primary powers need to be transferred.

However, the effectiveness of the current arrangements is, to a large extent, contingent upon the existence of a government at Westminster that supports devolution and broadly shares the political and policy objectives of the Assembly Government. If a government was elected to Westminster that did not support devolution, and if that government pursued policies directly at odds with those pursued by the Assembly Government, serious problems could arise. This seems to me to be the most persuasive case for the transfer of primary powers to the Assembly: as a means of protecting and safeguarding the democratic powers of the Assembly against the possibility of a hostile government at Westminster. Possible ways of strengthening the existing devolution settlement need to be explored, which could provide the necessary safeguards to the Assembly without necessarily resorting to the transfer of primary powers.

The transfer of primary powers to the Assembly would require an increase in Assembly Members and a significant increase in Assembly staff, both of which would be necessary to deal with the additional workload of handling primary legislation. It would be difficult to justify such an increase in the number of AMs without a parallel reduction in the number of MPs. Neither outcome would be desirable at the current time. Wales is already over-governed, and to increase further the number of politicians in the Assembly at a time when politicians in general are held in low esteem would only generate more antipathy amongst an already sceptical Welsh public.

The arguments in favour of the transfer of primary powers would need to be compelling in order to justify such a major constitutional change. Such a case has not been made. The Assembly is making good progress in addressing Wales’s needs. It should be given time to pursue its objectives, to produce results and to establish itself within the hearts and minds of the Welsh people. The process of devolution will continue, but now is not the time for drastic change.

Ends

1 July 2003

 

 

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