Commission
The Rt Hon Lord Richard, QC Chair |
| Eira Davies |
| Tom Jones |
| Dr Laura McAllister |
| Peter Price |
| Ted Rowlands |
| Vivienne Sugar |
| Huw Vaughan Thomas |
| Paul Valerio |
| Sir Michael Wheeler Booth |
| Witnesses |
| Sandy Blair, Director, WLGA |
| Russell Goodway, Spokesperson, Finance &
Wales Programme for Improvement, WLGA |
| Colin Mann, Plaid Cymru Leader, WLGA |
| Steve Thomas, Head, Policy Unit, WLGA |
| Rachel Jowitt, Policy Division, WLGA |
Lord Richard |
Thank you all very much for coming. The
way we normally handle this is to ask you to open up the subject for us and then we can
pursue the things we might want to pursue. The other thing is, could you identify
yourselves for the record? |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
I am Russell Goodway, the Leader of
Cardiff, and I am the WLGA spokesperson for Finance and Wales Programme for Improvement.
Colin Mann is a member of Caerphilly County Borough Council, and is the Plaid Cymru leader
on the WLGA. Sandy Blair is our Director. Rachel Jowitt is in the Policy Division of the
Association, and Steve Thomas is the Head of the Associations Policy Unit. |
Can I open by thanking you very much for
the invitation to give evidence to your Commission. The evidence that we will provide has
been constructed by a cross-party working group, agreed by the Association coordinating
committee, which is made up of the leaders of the 22 local authorities. Unfortunately,
Cllr Dai Lloyd Evans, who is the leader of the Independent group of the Association, sends
his apologies, but the submission that we put forward has that groups full
endorsement. I would like to acknowledge the presence of Colin Mann, who I said was the
Plaid Cymru group leader in the Association. I have to say that many of the sentiments
expressed in the Associations submission are those of the majority of the
Association, as opposed to a unanimous view. I have no doubt that as we go through this
mornings session, Colin will want to put his own distinctive views on a number of
the issues that will be raised. |
However, I think it is fair to say that
we do share a consensus on the key elements of the report, which I hope we will be able to
highlight later. The Association does welcome the opportunity, and opportunities like
this, to debate the future of Government of our country, because it does present an
opportunity for us to stress the vital role that local government plays in the governance
of Wales. Local governments contribution, in our view, has often been ignored in
some of the constitutional fantasies of the academic evidence presented to the commission
thus far. Local government is responsible for the most profound range of contributions to
the provision of great services in Welsh life. Since its inception, we have sought to work
in partnership with the Assembly, to deliver improvements in public services. Local
Government in Wales accounts for £4 billion of public expenditure and employs in excess
of 150,000 people. More importantly, we are the predominant face of democracy in local
communities, and one good example is the community planning process. This signals a real
attempt to bring the kind of coherence to policy making at the local level that has been
absent from central Government for too many years. Our evidence today is based on the
fundamental premise that if devolution is to go further than the current settlement, then
this must be with the will and support of the Welsh people and the Welsh electorate. |
Two days after the Electoral Commission
published a report showing that only 16% of voters aged under 25 voted in Mays
elections for the Welsh Assembly, are we really saying that the main issue facing Welsh
politics is a debate on primary legislative powers for an institution which, in the
timescales of history, is barely an infant. Local government represents people from
Cardiff to Conway, to Anglesey to Blaenau Gwent, and right across Wales, my councillor
colleagues and I are in the frontline of a vibrant public and political debate. Less
people may be voting in elections, but they are very vocal when it comes to expressing
their views on the things that impact on their daily lives. They are most concerned about
the quality of public services, and the ability of their local council to deliver the
goods in terms of value for money. It is the liveability agenda, the quality of roads,
social services, education, and the local environment, that matters most to them. They are
simply not interested in the number of bills passed at Westminster, or whether the
Assembly sees the return of Henry VIII powers. They want the Assembly to add value,
provide a clear vision for the future of Wales, and to set out how it will work with its
partners to achieve this within the mandate it has been given. It may, to the annoyance of
many Welsh establishment figures, be a solution based on constrained discretion with a
clear separation of powers between the Assembly and the House of Commons, but let us not
forget the result of the 1997 referendum, and the cautious message that was sent out by
our nation. It is because of this that the Associations submission concentrates on
these key themes. One, the need to clarify the existing Assembly powers, where this could
lead to better government. Two, the Association does not support the Assembly having
primary legislative powers, but if this is to be recommended, then it should be affirmed
by public mandate, through a referendum or election. We would apply the same conditions to
any proposals that the Assembly could be given direct revenue raising powers. Three, a
call upon the Assembly to complete the unfinished business, in terms of the abolition of
unelected quangos in Wales. Four, a full-scale examination of the electoral system that
underpins the Assembly, and complete reform of the methodology used to elect regional
Assembly members. The Association believes there should be no increase in the size of the
Assembly, but a thorough examination of the constitutional architecture of Welsh politics,
leading to a constitutional settlement that clearly sets out the roles of respected
politicians, and their spheres of influence. |
Lord Richard |
Thank you very much. What is the
advantage to you of passing Welsh local government legislation at Westminster? |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
I think there have been advantages to
having local government issues dealt with actually within the Assembly. The relationship
that we were able to build up with the Minister between 1999 and 2003 was advantageous to
us. However, whether or not the extent to which we have been able to depart from the
English and Welsh agenda would have been greater if the Assembly had more powers. I doubt
that the margin for manoeuvre is probably as great as it would be even if there were
greater powers at the Assembly, because I do not think it has the capacity within a
country- |
Lord Richard |
Can you help us a bit further on what
advantages you found on local government issues having moved over to Cardiff rather than
Westminster. |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
One that comes to mind is the Welsh
improvement agenda. We had serious doubts about the best-value legislation and
arrangements as they were introduced in England. I think that there was a very real
consensus in Wales that what emerged as a result of the legislation was not what the
politicians had intended when they wrote the manifesto commitments back in 1997. Forgive
me for saying so, particularly with my officials around me, but very often excellent ideas
that politicians have, once they get hijacked by civil servants and academics, emerge as
something quite different from what we really wanted. You must have had experience of
that. I think that what we were able to do was reconnect with Edwina Hart and have a
shared understanding of what we really intended to do through best-value. It was about the
improvement of public services and giving local government and those who provide services
the freedom that they needed in order to reach those improvements. |
Lord Richard |
The impression I get from you is that
first of all you found it easier to agree with Cardiff than Westminster on these issues
and, secondly, that the civil service in Cardiff was more under control. |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
Am I allowed to say that? If Edwina was
on your shoulder I think you would feel more under control. What we must not forget,
though, is that the political climate has changed. In the 11 years that I have been a
local authority leader, until 1997 we had a situation where the Secretary of State for
Wales was not even an elected member of a Welsh constituency. Therefore, the relationship
was tense, to say the least. In the early years of the Labour Government after 1997 the
issues were dominated by the need to get the devolution arrangements into place. We have
not had a great deal of opportunity, really, to utilise the existing Assembly powers to
explore the possibilities that are available to us, and I think that that is what we are
suggesting, as an Association, we should be given time to do; to see what the current
settlement could provide in terms of freedoms for local authorities and for other
providers of public services. |
Cllr Colin Mann |
Could I come in for a moment. Whereas I
would agree with the majority of the Association submission, it will not come as a
surprise to you that my group would not agree on the question of revenue raising powers,
or on extra powers, or legislative powers. We would also critically look at the number of
MPs. The answer that I would give to some of the questions would be influenced by those
particular principles. We see the devolution settlement that we have at the moment as a
mess. I have been in meetings where Assembly Government Ministers have said We will
not do this, we will not do that and they did not vote. I will give you one little
example. I was in a sustainability meeting recently, where it was pointed out that better
building regulations in Wales would aid sustainability in things like house-building. The
Assembly, it would appear, does not have the ability to actually bring those powers in.
The settlement here, compared with Scotland, is entirely different and what we are looking
for is the flexibility that they have in Scotland. |
Lord Richard |
Well, you are looking for a bit more
clarity. |
Cllr Colin Mann |
We are looking at more than clarity. |
Sandy Blair |
Could I just follow on from Cllr
Goodwoods point and not deny the fact that there are some differences in the
Association, as Cllr Mann has said. I think the majority view of the Association,
particularly the one in question about whether there would be benefit in having
legislation here instead of in Westminster, and whether that has been damaging for Wales,
I think I could say, with possibly one exception, we have found the way in which
legislation has been prepared since devolution has allowed quite sufficient opportunity
under secondary legislation for there to be a development of a Welsh approach, both in
terms of policy and in practice. I think even in the one I have slight reservations about,
there has been a space allowed for the Assembly and I think you know about the
arrangements for the late discharges, where the line would be taken in England, the Act
covers England and Wales. The Assembly has an opportunity to pause for a while, and I am
not aware under those areas where legislation has been passed that we have had any
restrictions on local government. Indeed, local government has been able to secure a
different balance of understanding with devolved government in order to deliver what we
think is an improved service to our citizens, and that has been the opportunity in
England. I think that leads on to the second point of view, where Cllr Goodway was
discussing the relationship with officials. I think the scale and closeness of the
opportunity in Wales allows at both political and official level for far greater awareness
of how to arrive at something that works. Nearly all of that seems to me to be under its
powers that exist either already or through secondary legislation. So much of the
Westminster legislation is in primary legislation. Whilst there are some tweaky bits, I do
not think any of us have felt really seriously constrained by the nature of the
legislation. |
Tom Jones |
To what extent has the ability to use
secondary legislation to deliver your needs hampered by the time table effect? In other
words, the agenda satisfies Westminster, whenever they want to bring in a bill at a
certain time and cycle, which may or may not fit in with your timetable or the
Assemblys timetable. |
Sandy Blair |
That is a proper concern about working
out the way in which the two legislatures work, in order that you do not have serious
implications for Wales. I think it is a big issue, the capacity of local government
actually to respond and react. I am sure everyone could identify some example of where we
have been delayed by that process, but they could also identify examples where we have
been delayed for other reasons
|
Lord Richard |
Can I just pursue this point. You are
really telling us that at the moment the powers of the Assembly are sufficient, that you
are quite happy to negotiate through Westminster and also with the Assembly on the
secondary legislation side. That in effect is quite an efficient and worthwhile system.
How do you think it would work if there was a change of Government? |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
I do not think that we have exploited
the Assemblys existing settlement to the full. |
Lord Richard |
Do you see dangers in the fact that
there might be a change of Government at Westminster? |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
I think there could be a tri-party
standoff if we are not careful in those situations. You would have a Government of one
party in Westminster, an administration at the National Assembly, and different political
administrations within the Welsh context of local government. |
Lord Richard |
That is a recipe for impotence and
stagnation. |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
I tend to share your view. |
Lord Richard |
Do you think that the adjustment of the
relationship, and the power relationships between Cardiff and Westminster- |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
I think you have to be very careful,
because we are talking about these technicalities, but we are forgetting about the most
important agreement of all, which is whether there is public support for them. In 1997 we
may have won a vote, we did not win an argument. It is fair to say there are differences
within party groups, and that within the association the membership probably reflects the
geographical political climate of the country. From people who are in favour of abolition
through to people who are in favour of independence. Those views exists. The important
thing is that until we win hearts and minds of people, any attempt to impose greater
powers on the Assembly is going to be treated with contempt. We have to accept that in
1997 in the Welsh context compared to the Scottish context, devolution was seen to be
imposed upon the people of Wales. In Scotland they had the constitutional convention that
was running for three whole years. The majority of Welsh people did not actually vote for
it, did they? It was just that the majority who voted for it turned out- |
Cllr Colin Mann |
Did the majority of Welsh people vote
for your council? |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
The majority of Welsh people will not
vote for my council. But the issue is: can you honestly say, and I think you can not, even
in Caerphilly, that the majority of people in your community are not yet persuaded that
what has been created is doing the job that it was created to do. I do not believe that
they are persuaded either, that in order to do the job that it was created to do it needs
additional powers. I think we are about to lose even further the public argument, we will
become even more detached than we are at the moment, and people are becoming disengaged
from the political process, because what they see is a group of individuals the one
thing that has grown quickest in Wales since 1997 is the growth of lobbyists and similar
organisations. There is now the growth of a political elite, who have a vested interested
in securing greater powers, and what they are not doing is connecting that with the
ambitions of the people in Wales for the institutions that have been created. Devolution
is not about an institution. It is about more than that, it is about winning hearts and
minds, and we have not done that, Colin, and your party has not done it either. |
Lord Richard |
To win heart and minds you have to get
clear what it is that you are presenting. |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
It would help. |
Lord Richard |
It is quite basic, actually. If you have
a campaign you have to know what you are campaigning for. We are not part of a political
elite that you are abusing around this table. |
Cllr Colin Mann |
People see the elite as Cardiff Bay
|
Lord Richard |
If you are going to win hearts and minds
you need clarity of what it is you are doing. It has got to make sense. Suppose you were
setting out to look at the way in which you devolve power to Cardiff, would you actually
do it the way in which it has been done, and does the way in which it has been done
actually make sense? |
Sandy Blair |
The Associations view is that
subject to some minor adjustments and clarification around the edges, yes, we think it is
appropriate. I ought to stress that were the leader of the coalition group sitting next to
us here, he would be very much closer to the views expressed by Cllr Goodway than the
views expressed by Cllr Mann. You just need to know the balance in the Association. |
Cllr Colin Mann |
You must acknowledge that the coalition
group is everyone who is not Plaid Cymru or Labour, including members of my party and of
Russells party, and all shades of opinion. The leader of that group does not
necessarily express the opinions of the whole group. |
Sandy Blair |
The other one to just come back to, very
quickly, on your original question about what the implications would be of a different
administration in the two spheres. I think the fact that we rely so heavily on the
secondary legislative powers of the Assembly would mean that whilst some of the
personality issues might not be as comfortable, the implications of that for local
government would be less than might be supposed. |
The current constitutional powers seem
to provide that any power given to a Secretary of State in the UK, where it is relevant
within the constitutional settlement, is given to the Assembly. That has been sufficient
for our requirements to date. In terms of personality, my personal experience of a long
time working in two-tier local government is that it is not always easier to work with the
same party, and sometimes it is easier to work with the other party. |
Vivienne Sugar |
It is the same vein I want to explore,
and whether the current settlement does allow local government to maximise the way you
would like to work in Wales. If I take you back to before 1997, when there were arguments,
not about necessarily the structure of the constitution, but more about the policies that
the Government of the UK was pursuing at the time, it was actually very difficult at that
stage for local government to make any difference on the ground in Wales. If somebody said
that the current secondary legislative powers of the Assembly are sufficient to ensure
that policies of a government of a different complexion could not be imposed on Wales, and
I am thinking in terms of health, housing, transport and all the things which would matter
to local governments, because our reading at the moment of the evidence is that whilst you
might be able to ameliorate the interpretation of the implementation of some things, if
there were matters of fundamental principle, like CCT or foundation hospitals or CPA and
the improvement ratings that exist for local government in England, it would actually be
very difficult for local government to do it in a different way- |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
There is a great debate in England as to
whether they could do those things in England if it was not for the fact that Scottish
Labour MPs voted for foundation hospitals. We are back to the West Lothian question. These
are fundamentals that need to be addressed. |
Sir Michael Wheeler-Booth |
What is your view on the number of Welsh
MPs? |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
I think the Associations view is
that there are too many politicians in Wales. |
Sir Michael Wheeler-Booth |
You say that but my direct question is
about the number of Welsh MPs. What is your view on that? |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
I do not think the Association has
formed a view on the numbers of MPs. We acknowledge that there are too many politicians
within the Welsh dimension. We have the view that there is no case for the number of
Assembly members to be increased. I do not think we have formed a view on how many Welsh
members of the Westminster Parliament- |
Sandy Blair |
I think that is right, Russell, and I
think the issue is around trying to ensure that each sphere of Government concentrates on
its core purpose and its core reason for representation. I think that under the existing
constitutional settlement with considerable power still vested in Westminster, we believe
there is potentially an increasing importance for the role of MPs, which I do not think
has yet been resolved, or established. |
Sir Michael Wheeler-Booth |
Is there some justification for having
more than your proportionate number of MPs? |
Sandy Blair |
I can not say. |
Cllr Colin Mann |
Can I say that in the context of having
proper powers for the Assembly there is certainly a case for having less MPs in
Westminster. The reality is that where I live we have five levels of elected
representatives from MEPs to community councillors. Which is at the top, you can choose
for yourself. Some people say community councillors are. The reality is that a lot of
letters that I see coming into the county borough are from other levels of elected members
writing in about council matters. We have the same problem raised by several different
people on behalf of the same person, and we are running around in circles. My view is that
if those people have got time to take up those kinds of issues, have they got enough to do
in the job for the rest of the year. |
Vivienne Sugar |
But your paper suggests that by
codification and by protocols, you could actually get over that. |
Cllr Colin Mann |
You could, but it is down to
personality. |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
I believe that someone has got to be
brave enough at some stage to do some sort of constitutional settlement. You can not do it
on an ad hoc basis, as we seem to be doing it at the moment. Who is responsible for
what and having crossovers everywhere. We do need to have that debate. How many people do
we need to run, say, the Government of our country? You are right to say that there are
five MEPs, 40 MPs, 60 AMs, 1500 county and county borough councillors, and goodness knows
how many community councillors from 700 community councils. Below that, we have the
un-elected tier, people who sit on quangos. There are more people still sitting on quangos
in Wales than there are elected to the 22 local authorities. You are never very far, when
you walk around this country of ours, from someone who serves on some sort of public body,
either elected or unelected. |
Lord Richard |
Is that a great thing. What about public
participation? |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
We are a country of less than three
million people. There are cities bigger than the population of the whole of Wales. You can
not sustain this level of government within a country as small as this. Even if you
compare with Scotland, Carmarthenshire has a population of 170,000, with 74 councillors.
Aberdeen has 230,000 people and a council of 43. What justification is there to have all
these people? |
Lord Richard |
That is a very interesting local
authority argument. Can I come back to the paper? |
Dr Laura McAllister |
Can I just say, before we get diverted,
I would like a response to the question about the impact that local government can make
within the current framework, particularly relating to secondary legislation. |
Lord Richard |
That is really what I was coming back
to. |
Cllr Colin Mann |
I would have great fears about a
Government of a different complexion, basically telling the Assembly what to do and the
Assembly would have no powers to withstand that pressure. |
Lord Richard |
Can I come back to paragraphs 21 and 22,
very interesting ones. In paragraph 21 you say In a wider context since its creation
the Assembly has not been given powers that would enable it to deregulate local
government, because they involve powers to amend primary legislation. The next
paragraph says that The Assembly is responsible for the vast majority of local
government functions
..As a matter of principle it should be responsible for deciding
to what extent local authorities in Wales are to be deregulated: deregulation alters the
nature of control that it exerts over local government and the relationships between the
two spheres of Government. First of all, when we talk about deregulation, it looks
as though you are in favour of deregulation but do not feel quite as passionate about
further regulation. Secondly, how can you possible deregulate without giving the Assembly
the primary powers to do it? |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
Is that not what it says? |
Sandy Blair |
I think we worked on the basis, and I
will probably look to Steve to finalise this comment, but I think that much of the
regulation of local government is undertaken under secondary powers, and we are
comfortable with that. If I can combine your question with Vivs earlier question
directed to myself, it seems to me that our argument is based currently on the extent of
the current devolution settlement, and those aspects of legislation that cover local
government as covered by the Assembly. With that, we have been very comfortable. This
question is are we comfortable with the fact that those aspects of non-devolved activity
can still be exercised by central government, and then we only rely on the regulatory
powers of the assembly. My argument is, at the moment that the constitutional settlement
appears to provide a precedent, but whether it is in where legislation is devolved to give
a Secretary of State regulatory powers, then those powers can be exercised differently in
Wales. At the moment the Assembly only has the power to influence that regulation where it
is part of the devolution settlement. The issue is how many other aspects should be
devolved within our sphere and, clearly, there are some that are in debate at the moment.
You referred to them as jagged edges. There are some that will always be retained, it
seems to me, within the UK level of responsibility, because of the broader issues. The
issue there about the constitutional settlement is the extent to which the Secretary of
State of one flavour or another would be prepared to grant the Assembly powers which, I
think, would be within their constitutional rights, even though the primary legislation
gave the right to the Secretary of State at UK level. That seems to me to be the issue of
working between Westminster, Whitehall and the Assembly. My personal opinion is, and I do
not think that the Association is convinced, that you need to give primary legislative
powers to the Assembly for everything, in order to be able to handle the issue of
regulation or non-regulation of local government in Wales. |
Lord Richard |
Take that one step further. If you do
not give them total primary legislative powers, are there areas in which you wish to see
them having them? |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
In think that what we are arguing in
paragraph 21 is for the extension of secondary legislative powers, to exploit further
those areas where, under secondary legislation, somebody could be given the powers to make
amendments. That is how I view it, as the amendment of primary legislation within
secondary legislative powers. |
Steve Thomas |
I think Cllr Goodway is right. What we
have in paragraphs 21-25 is evidence from local authorities, where there is a clear
suggestion from local authorities that as a consequence of legislation made after the
Government of Wales Act, powers which would have previously been invested in the Secretary
of State, are now invested in bodies such as the ODPM. We think that is a perverse
consequence of devolution. Things like an ability to abolish plans in Wales, and we suffer
from a considerable amount of planning requirement in local government, are now vested in
the ODPM. We would like to see those ragged edges moved out. |
Tom Jones |
That is a good point because in Scotland
in some cases it has continued either having council support, and in other cases there has
been a re-centralisation of powers for some UK bodies under the legislation. |
Cllr Colin Mann |
I think the farce over councillors
pensions in Wales illustrates that. We were ahead some couple of years ago of bringing in
this particular measure. It then got lost or ignored in the offices of John Prescott, and
we now find ourselves six months behind the provisions in England, whereas we were- |
Lord Richard |
So what you are really arguing for, as I
understand it, is that there should be a much greater devolution of executive function
which should be with Cardiff rather than the Government. Can you categorise those? |
Sandy Blair |
I am not sure I can do it right now, but
we could certainly provide you with some written evidence. |
Lord Richard |
It would be helpful to know where it was
that you thought should go to Cardiff- |
Sandy Blair |
A couple of illustrations of the things
that are happening in Wales at the moment where, without devolving the entire
responsibility, the opportunity for secondary influence would be important, for instance
the Licensing Bill currently going through Parliament, the relationships between how
licensing operates with other devolved aspects of government, changes in the criminal
justice system, not necessarily running in parallel with Assembly support for community
regeneration issues. It is whether the two sets of power rub up against each other and are
compatible. I am saying at the moment that local government would seek to ensure that
there is a greater scope for compatibility without necessarily saying that the entire
responsibility for primary legislation should be devolved. That seems to be almost an
unnecessary burden to duplicate legislation in terms of enabling powers, but I think it is
important that how those enabled powers are conducted should give the Assembly powers to
work with its partners, including local government in Wales, to deliver something that is
more appropriate, that is made in Wales, even if this power originates in Westminster. |
Dr Laura McAllister |
We are not privy to the discussions that
led to the construction of this paper, and I sense that there is some degree of
disagreement, but can I put a similar question to that which has already been raised in a
different way. Is not one of the reasons for local government being wary of the Assembly
acquiring primary powers a fear in a sense that the Assembly would become more powerful
and influential in local government, particularly in terms of determining the public
service delivery agenda? There has been a lot of literature on the Scottish situation of
late, and concerns raised by local government in Scotland suggest it as a form of ratchet
effect, and whether you agree with it or not, I know that some Scottish authorities are
claiming that the Scottish Parliament is too powerful at their expense. Is not your
support for the current constitutional settlement based on the fact that it actually
provides some kind of check and balance on the Assembly in that it provides a constraint
on the Assemblys powers in relation to what you want to do in local government? |
Call Russell Goodway |
I do not think it is the driving issue,
and I suppose you could argue that one of the reasons why there are arguments in favour of
greater powers for the Assembly is because the Assembly does not like the check and
balance that exists with the Westminster Parliament. They want to be free of that. Of
course, local authorities would like to be free of government, to deliver for its people.
One of the things that we argue very strongly is that local government authorities have
their own mandate from their own electorate. We are not agents of the National Assembly or
of central Government and we should never be seen as agents. I was at a meeting of the
Audit Committee of the Assembly this week and one of the Assembly Members was trying to
compare our rights with those of Assembly-sponsored public bodies. They are not the
slightest bit the same. We have our own mandate and we answer to our own electorate. We
must be as free as we can to do that. I believe if devolution is going to have any meaning
at all, there will come a time when the people of Wales will need to have confidence in
its Assembly to deliver on the subjects you are talking about. It needs to have confidence
that in terms of public service delivery this is an institution which is capable of
delivering the goods. At the moment we have not persuaded the people of Wales that that is
the case. There is no doubt at all that whatever public misgivings there are about local
authorities, there is more confidence in local authorities at the moment delivering public
services than there is in the National Assembly. We should not be surprised at that,
because as I said in my introductory remarks, the National Assembly is very much in its
infancy and it has to win hearts and minds. Therefore, it has to exploit the powers that
it has at the moment, but more important than that, it has to exploit its influence. One
of the things that we in local government have had to learn in the last 18 years as our
powers have been taken away from us by successive governments, is that as you lose power
you have to exploit your influence. I have to say that when people talk about me as the
leader of the capital city, and the powers that I have, I have to say that they are very
limited. However, the influence I have is very extensive. What the Assembly, dare I say,
is not doing at the moment, is using the immense amount of influence it has in terms of
people who serve on local authorities and people in other sectors of public service. I
honestly believe that this debate that we are having through your commission is premature
in terms of arguing for greater powers, because the people are not there yet. We are in
danger of becoming even more detached from the public that we serve by having these sorts
of debates. I honestly believe in the next 20 years we will get to where you want to be. |
Steve Thomas |
Can I comment on Dr McAllisters
question? There were recently published two empirical studies by the Joseph Rowntree
foundation. One was a study on Scottish local government and devolutionary impact, and one
on Welsh local government and devolutionary impact. The clear message that came from those
studies, and this is an empirical fact, was that the constrained discretion that exists in
Wales was probably a slightly better environment for local government working, than what
many Scottish councils perceived to be a feature which they described as crowing out the
Scottish executive. In one sense, you could argue that in practical terms the existing
constraints on the Assembly do benefit local government, hence the Assembly and local
government have been very keen to work together in partnership, to push the public sector
reform agenda for the betterment of the people of Wales, I suspect, if you ask many
Scottish local government colleagues, they would look at the Welsh settlement and probably
prefer it. |
Dr Laura McAllister |
Can you give us some examples from
Scotland where that crowding out debate has featured in particular? |
Sandy Blair |
The most recent case is probably the
decision by the Scottish Executive, which does have the legislative powers, to take unto
itself responsibility for the youth justice system in its entirety. That is not only a
reflection of the Scottish Executives situation, but the fact that Scotland has
always operated to a separate legal situation. |
Lord Richard |
That is taking it away from local
authorities. |
Sandy Blair |
That is taking it away, saying that we
feel we should be able to do it better. In terms of crowding, Steve have you got some
suggestions? |
Steve Thomas |
Scottish colleagues I spoke to, and I
spoke to members of the Scottish Executive the other day, point to the fact that Scottish
government has had great difficulty coming to grips with the distinction between the
Scottish Executive and the Scottish Parliament, the legislator and the Executive. From
their point of view I think there are arguments around a range of policy arenas where they
feel that local government is struggling in that environment. The general view, however,
is that the Scottish Parliament, but it has a range of executive powers, is seen to be a
more powerful body within the Scottish context, and the result of that and the research
suggests is that the role of local government has diminished as a result. We could provide
supplementary evidence on that from our Scottish colleagues. |
Sandy Blair |
I have to offer you a short pamphlet
that was published last week by the four associations for England, Northern Ireland,
Scotland and Wales, on learning lessons from devolution. This is the first stage of the
project the four associations are operating on together, which initially identifies the
differences, and the next stage should be to try and identify whether or not you can tell
that there is a difference in outcome to the public, which I think is the argument we
would press for. |
Cllr Colin Mann |
There was more effort working in those
initially. Some of us in the WLGA met a delegation from Scotland three or for years ago
and they were quite surprised at the time spent. Not all of us are very impressed with
some of things it has done but at least we have a body where local government meets the
Assembly and has discussions about things we say, but there was nothing like that in
Scotland. The distinction between the Assembly Government and the Assembly, where the
Assembly gets blamed for things that maybe the Assembly Government should get blamed for
and vice versa, that does not really happen in Scotland. |
Sir Michael Wheeler-Booth |
It is really about the electoral
arrangements in local government both in Scotland and in Wales. |
Ted Rowlands |
Why do you think it is better to
legislate in Westminster than in Cardiff? There have been a number of important bills and
acts which have been absolutely central in terms of roles and responsibility and indeed of
local government and central government relationships. I wondered if I could ask you where
you have experienced that the Westminster system does or does not work. Have some bills
made considerable differences eg. if it was a bill that required local bodies to do
certain things in certain situations. An England and Wales bill, and no special clauses per
se of the kind I have been very familiar with for over thirty years. A bill of that
kind did you find it satisfactory? Do you find that if the Assembly had had the
power to do or not do this bill, it would have been any better or worse? |
Sandy Blair |
That was the exception I think I
identified earlier on as being the one reservation I had of our experience today. I think
we would have preferred not to have had certain of the clauses in that being operated in
England and Wales. I think that the other bills of that nature, where they have had
Wales-only clauses and England and Wales clauses, like the planning bill for instance, has
actually been quite a satisfactory way of handling it, because it is about the
relationship between Westminster and Cardiff. It has surprised local government that
certain clauses in the Delayed Discharges Bill have remained England and Wales. We thought
they were going to be England-only. It is quite clearly feasible for that to be done
within the existing constitutional settlement. Whether an exception to the rule like that
would justify giving total powers, and one issue is the extent to which there is a current
capacity within the Assembly, not only at lay member level but at official level, to run
the whole panoply of primary powers is a fairly valid one that we put in our paper. |
Ted Rowlands |
What about the Education Act of 2002? |
Sandy Blair |
That allowed quite a degree of
exception. There were considerable arguments, and we did try to raise challenges to
certain sections of that. On the whole, we felt that there was enough scope for the
Assembly to continue to pursue its more somewhat different and more locally designed
approach to education in Wales. The gap between the Welsh education approach and English
education is very substantial. I was approached by the most senior chief executive in
England only two weeks ago, who had heard the Welsh Minister on the radio, and asked me
why they could not have that in England. |
Steve Thomas |
Can I quote the example of a bill, the
most profound bill that impacted on local government in recent years, the Local Government
Act 2000. It does come down to the question of capacity and capability. That was probably
the most significant piece of legislation that impacted on local government in over 100
years. It abolished the committee system, introduced the executive and scrutiny models.
Viv Sugar would know this. We were involved in working groups at the time with the
Assembly, and we constantly found ourselves struggling within that environment to keep up
with the English legislative process. The English legislative process was such that the
expertise on these issues was actually within Whitehall. We struggled in particular with
putting in place a new ethical framework for Welsh local government. We put in a revised
framework eventually but it took a lot of time to put it in, and the implications of that
are still rolling up today. You have to ask yourself in that environment when it comes to
a huge Bill such as that, which fundamentally changed the constitutional settlement for
local government, about the Assemblys capacity to do that. |
Ted Rowlands |
The issues are of capacity more than
principle are they? |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
It is about both. From our point of
view, the capacity issue is fundamental, but also we are part of an England and Wales
local government system. Yes, the Assembly controls local government policy, but we are
part of a local government association for England and Wales. We see ourselves as part of
that wider community, and the result of that is that we want to see common features
emerging from the best of legislation which is coming onto the books. |
Ted Rowlands |
Do you think under the current
arrangements you can get the best of all worlds or the worst of all worlds? |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
I think talking in terms of sheer
opportunism, yes. |
Ted Rowlands |
Would you also say then that even if
there were some primary legislative power in the Assembly that you would still see or
expect a large amount of legislation playing in England and Waless legislation, even
in devolved areas? This legislation that we are talking about now for example had a
profound effect on the way that local government delivers services. In that case, are
there any recommendations you would like to make to this commission about the way in which
the process of legislation works. Does the WLGA get a piece of the action in the
development of legislation in the areas that I was talking about, were you directly
involved, do you go to Whitehall as much as before, or do you just now channel everything
through the Assembly. |
Sandy Blair |
There are two routes. Because all local
authorities in Wales are not only members of the WLGA, but also the Local Government
Association of England and Wales, we have an arrangement whereby they tend to lead on
primary legislative issues and pick up particular concerns for Wales in their work. That
has been the case since both bodies were founded prior to devolution. We are reviewing the
extent to which that operates efficiently, but at the moment we would not normally go to
Whitehall. We would rely on the LGA, our partners in London, to deal with Whitehall, and
we would have opportunities of discussion with officials in the Assembly to advise them of
our views before they deal with Whitehall. |
There are specific occasions where we
can. I am not going to say it is a perfect arrangement, and I think we could go further.
Where we are not at is any sharing of the drafting of legislation, as opposed to the
development of the policies that then leads to legislation. The point that we made earlier
on about the Delayed Discharges Bill, that was a surprise, because what we knew was that
ministerially and in policy terms, it was not intended to adopt that in Wales. The fact
that the legislation then created the power did come as a surprise, but it is not a
perfect arrangement yet and the point that Cllr Goodway and Cllr Mann were making is that
we are very much in early days at the moment, we are learning how to take this forward. It
is about improving working arrangements, rather than saying that the answer is to have it
all done here in Wales. |
Vivienne Sugar |
Could you explain how you brief and
lobby Welsh MPs? If something that you do not like has escaped into the draft, do you try
and put it right at the other end? |
Sandy Blair |
I think we are learning to have to do
that. I am not sure that we are terribly efficient at it yet. We have one or two examples
recently where we- |
Lord Richard |
Has it changed? |
Steve Thomas |
Can I stress the fact that we do not
just brief MPs, we brief some of Lord Richards colleagues as well. |
Lord Richard |
It really has changed, has it? You used
to lobby the MPs directly? |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
Yes, and spend a lot of time in London
too, speaking to Ministers directly. There is a sense, undoubtedly, that since 1999 the
Assembly is the only dame in town. That is what the Government sees as the central
partnership. We have said on a number of occasions that we have missed a trick, and that
we really ought to be connecting more and more with Westminster MPs. There is a danger in
thinking that the Westminster Parliament is becoming the English Parliament. It is not. |
Ted Rowlands |
What I am trying to get at is we have
got this convoluted system now of legislation in a variety of ways. Is it delivering? If
you have not got the capacity is it delivering reasonably well, or on a scale of 0 to 10?
Secondly, should one carry on trying to create a successful convoluted route or as some
people have put to us, academic fantasies maybe, a straightforward transfer of legislative
power to the Assembly? |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
There is a danger of assuming that
anything that comes out of Wales that there is a consensus for- part of the problem you
have with some of the legislation relating to Parliament is that Welsh MPs do not actually
agree with the Assembly. You get Welsh MPs on TV arguing against what the Assembly is
arguing for, believing that they should be following what is happening in England. There
are some instances, as Helena mentioned, where John Owen Jones has been on TV saying
Hang on, I think that Wales should be forced to do what the UK Parliament is
legislating and they ought not to be- |
Lord Richard |
Do you think this is healthy? |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
I hope we will never get to the point
where everybody in Wales agrees on everything. It would be a very sad and boring place. I
think you have a long way to go before the public understand these arrangements, and
constant change is not going to help them. I think there is an overwhelming desire to
remain part of the UK. People want to be part of the UK and they understand the role of
the UK Parliament. If Wales wants to have different arrangements, they will be argued for,
and they will put the case for them. Just saying It should not be decided there, it
should be decided in Cardiff is not going to convince the people of Wales. What they
will need to understand is what is the power of the argument, and the case, for Wales
being different to England and Wales, or to the UK generally, and arguing here seeing
Welsh MPs saying We are persuaded by the case and we are going to persuade the UK
Parliament to give those powers to the National Assembly in order for that distinctive
Welsh approach to be made. At the moment it is just a figment of peoples
imagination all the time, that we talk about this distinctive Welsh approach. |
Cllr Colin Mann |
How far we go with this process is up to
the Welsh people and we all recognise that- some would mention the word
independence - I would say there could be a constitutional commission on that.
I would be very interested to see what you are putting up. In the evidence that my
authority has put in, we refer to that and would recognise that if a commission looked at
altering the powers, we feel that would be acceptable. For example, I belong to a
community council. That community council has far more revenue raising powers than the
National Assembly. I think that is- |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
Far more direct revenue raising powers.
The Assembly has revenue raising powers. |
Cllr Colin Mann |
What we are living with at the moment in
fact, the settlement we have, we all know, is a compromise between the views that John
Davies represented in the Labour Party, and the views that Charles Smith represented on
the other extreme. That is what we are actually living with. The Labour Party in Scotland
had a different point of view, and in my view it has a better settlement than we have.
That is the reality. |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
But that is the reality in all walks of
life. |
Peter Price |
Before it is lost can I go back to a
point that Cllr Goodway made a while ago. He downplayed the distinctive Welsh approach and
as I understood, what he is saying, is because there is this division between primary
powers in London and the executive powers in Cardiff, there really was not a distinctive
Welsh approach. If you linked it to this previous discussion, what you are really saying
is there is an incoherence preventing the development of a distinctive Welsh approach,
because the Assemblys powers are being exercised in a way which involves close
interplay with local government and various forces in Wales, but there is power of a
primary nature in London exercised by different people, where the Welsh MPs are part of
another body and hardly surprisingly politically somewhat distant from what is actually
the result of that interplay in which Welsh local government plays a part. |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
I am far more concerned as a community
leader. The responsibilities that we as local government have in community leadership at
the moment are set out in the 2000 act. That is to try and articulate hopes and
aspirations of people. This issue of a distinctive Welsh approach, I am not persuaded that
there is an overwhelming call within the community for something different. It sounds good
when the Minister announces that we will not have to pay tuition fees in Wales, and that
the Assembly are looking for powers so that Welsh universities do not have to charge
tuition. But when people start to understand that they have to pay for that somehow, and
the cost will be £100 million a year, is the English Parliament, as they see it, going to
foot another £100 million so that Wales will not have to charge tuition fees? The answer
is no. When people start to understand that they will eventually pick up the tab for that,
the distinctive Welsh approach certainly goes out of the window, because people start to
question the reality of it. There is a cost to it. The point I make is that it is easy to
talk about it, but not easy to deliver. Not because of the absence of power, but because
of how you are going to pay for it. This is a distinct danger I think in building
peoples aspirations, and then when they realise the downside of it, giving up on the
whole experiment, and I think that there are dangers, and I do not think people can touch
it in a tangible way. What the Assembly ought to be doing is nation building, getting the
people behind this Welsh dimension and getting them to argue about it, when they are in
pubs and clubs, arguing in favour of doing something different in Wales and being prepared
to pay in order to achieve that. |
Peter Price |
Is the only point then about
preparedness to pay, because what you only seemed to be arguing for is that we ought to
actually be pursuing a united common policy for England and Wales across all these major
fields. |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
No, what I am saying is that there is an
appetite for something different in Wales, and Welsh MPs ought to be making people argue
for it and have a convincing case for it. |
Peter Price |
Your argument is that there is no such
appetite? |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
Not at the moment. I can not touch it. I
can not sense it in Cardiff, but then Cardiff may be- |
Sandy Blair |
If we could broaden it a little bit from
the sense of public appetite to just making effective the way we work at the moment. I
think we as an Association can recognise that perhaps not unnaturally in the first few
years of the Assembly we could have concentrated greatly on our relationship with them,
and partly diverted by our use of the LGA, we have perhaps lost sight of it, of the
importance of ensuring there is a tri-partite approach to the Government. We talk about
the spheres of government and the spheres of representation, but the way we have related
to MPs has not been anything like as consistent or overt as our relationship with the
Assembly. We can perceive local government as being a devolved issue. On the other hand,
the longer we go through this process, and as the Assemblys powers and
responsibilities become more obvious, and the opportunities for us working together become
overt, then we realise that if a constitutional settlement is retained, we ought to be
doing more with Westminster MPs as well. That is something that we probably do not take
sufficiently into account until recently. We have a similar view about our need to
recognise the European dimension as well. We need to understand that and concentrate our
efforts and take steps about that. Going back to one of things Ted said, that we did not
cover, was that we do very much appreciate the increased amount of opportunity to
scrutinise draft legislation. That is an effective approach and the opportunity to work
with the Welsh Select Affairs Committee has allowed us to recognise more than perhaps we
did previously, how important that aspect is. |
Peter Price |
If legislation is from London rather
than Cardiff, the lead department is going to be the office of the Deputy Prime Minister
in many of the fields that you are interested in. Did I understand correctly that you have
no relationship of a direct character with the office of the Deputy Prime Minister, and
you rely entirely on secondary legislation. |
Sandy Blair |
Almost everything that the ODPM has is
devolved. It is the services of other government departments with non-devolved aspects of
local government where we need to work harder- We have some, but they are more personal. |
Steve Thomas |
You need to see the wider English
dimension. There is a thing in England called the Central Local Partnership, which is
chaired by John Prescott. Sir Harry Jones, the leader of the Association, sits on that
partnership. That is a direct linkage from the Wales side into the English debate. |
Peter Price |
So that is a body where quite a lot of
people sit around the table. What about direct links between you and the departments who
will be responsible for the legislation that you are saying is invested in London. |
Sandy Blair |
Our current approach is that we would
normally rely on our colleagues in the LGA who have that relationship. |
Ted Rowlands |
One question is that one area that has
not been devolved in many public sector areas is that of pay and pensions, which are very
basically non-devolved. Is it the view of the Association that they should be or are they
better left where they are. |
Sandy Blair |
Our current line on this is a
recognition of potentially increasing to some degree of regional flexibility, but we also
are heavily supportive of there being a core structure of pay and more limitedly on
conditions, that gives consistency throughout the England and Wales local government
service and related services. There have been very significant changes in local government
pay arrangements in the last few years, which have led to a greater opportunity for
individual authorities and groups of authorities to have more flexibility about local pay
deals, but we have relied on a national negotiating approach for the core, as you will be
aware. That in itself is being modernised in order to streamline it and make it more
effective, and we are currently contributing to the independent pay commission for local
government, which is due to report in September. We identified in that a majority of areas
where we have a common thread, but some issues that were going to be specific to the Welsh
region. |
Eira Davies |
Can I pursue your reference to the
unfinished business. How would you finish the business regarding the non-elected bodies?
Do you have any suggestions for alternative models? |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
Yes, abolish them and democratise them.
That was the promise that was given. The one thing we are unanimously agreed on is that we
would never have won the referendum in 1997 unless that promise was given to abolish the
quangos. If that promise was not there, the referendum would have been lost. |
Dr Laura McAllister |
What about the Sports Council for Wales? |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
Democratise it. |
Dr Laura McAllister |
How would you democratise it in terms of
local government. Who would take- |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
I hope that we are not the last bastion
of democracy. There should be democracy across the piece. |
Dr Laura McAllister |
Do you have a clear vision of how- |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
There are things that could be devolved
to local government. Since the Assembly you have seen the reverse. The power has been
taken away from local government and been quango-ised. Elwa for instance is a classic
example. We dont have power over our sixth forms any more, and that is supposed to
make it clearer, is it, that in the same building sixth form education is funded from a
different place than years 11 to whatever. I think that we need to look at constitutional
arrangements, and that is what we used to call it before the 1997 election, the democratic
deficit that exists in our country. There is absolutely no reason why, if there is a need
to have a Sports Council for Wales, why the people could not be elected. Why can you not
have an election for the Sports Council? Moreover, I think it would be a useful exercise,
and I hope that my colleagues in the Assembly will take this in the spirit that it is
meant, but you could have the opportunity of giving Assembly Members a real job to do.
Instead of spending most of their time writing letters to me about Mrs Jones drain,
the Minister of the National Assembly should be chairing the Sports Council, or the Arts
Minister should be chairing the Arts Council, and directing operations, by an elected
official. Why is that you have 60 members at the National Assembly, and they rely upon
agencies and appointees to make the important decisions. That is what this was supposed to
change. |
Dr Laura McAllister |
I would just like to be absolutely
crystal clear about this. The whole range of quangos that do exist are very disparate.
Some of them are advisory, some are executive, some are very large and some are very
small. Are you saying that all of them should be directly elected, or that some of them
should not exist, or that they should have a much clearer remit in terms of their policy
input? Can you explain, if that is your response, what would be the dangers of overload on
the elected tiers that currently exist in terms of developing strategy? Sport is an area I
know, but developing a strategy for childrens participation in sport and actually
enacting it on the ground. Is there not a danger- |
Cllr Colin Mann |
We have one already. |
Dr Laura McAllister |
Yes sure, but can you just answer those
questions? |
Huw Vaughan Thomas |
Before you do, can I also here given the
range of options that you have been asked to comment on, add the idea that you absorb them
into the Assembly and create Government departments? |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
If you look at the Culture Department,
there are officials in the National Assembly that I deal with directly, and the Minister
in terms of Culture, and you have the Arts Council, which I also have to deal with, and
the Sports Council which I also have to deal with. Life is not easy in Wales for somebody
like me, with trips to all these people who are making decisions and having influence over
these matters. I just do not understand why those institutions can not be brought within
the Assembly, and Assembly Members form the executive board of the Sports Council or the
Arts Council. They are directly elected individuals and they can answer to the electorate
for their decisions. |
Dr Laura McAllister |
What about overload. In terms of
developing local sports development plans, ensuring that development officers deliver and
manage sport, all of those things, would that really be feasible in an Assembly that you
do not want to see increased beyond- |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
I think it would be feasible if the
Assembly worked in partnership with local authorities. |
Cllr Colin Mann |
Talking about sport, through schools and
other things, we have sports officers and things like that. The reality is that local
government is involved in sports, but it is an issue in our area because of low
participation rates which we need to sort out. The environment agency, there are things
that directly affect my constituents, to do with refuse and tipping, that can not be dealt
with by the environmental officers that we have because they were taken away from us to
the Environment Agency. There are a whole range of powers that local government could deal
with which are being allegedly governed by unelected quangos, and it is one of the biggest
disappointments with the public, the famous phrase the bonfire of the quangos,
but nobody has ever found a box of matches yet. It is probably one of the biggest
disappointments over what has happened over the last few years. The only real change in
the lessening of the number of quangos was by combining a few of them. |
Dr Laura McAllister |
Do you have a view on which ones might
be abolished? |
Cllr Colin Mann |
We have not had a whole exercise of
taking a look at these. It is something that should have been tackled by the Assembly, to
make sense of the whole- |
Sandy Blair |
We did in fact invite the Assembly to
undertake such an exercise on the basis that the bottom line of the Association is the
need that current Assembly sponsored bodies and other unelected deliverers of service
should be subjected to appropriate democratic accountability relevant to their scale, size
and operation, some of which are direct and some of which would be more
.. |
Lord Richard |
Some of which may be down to local
authority. |
Sandy Blair |
Some to local authority, some through
collaborations of local authorities, some through the Assembly, as is appropriate to their
scale and range of activity. |
Cllr Colin Mann |
Look at the mess of economic
development. Who do you go to as small business person wanting help. There are 20
different organisations. It is nonsense. |
Tom Jones |
You have said that you do not want to
see an increase in the number of Assembly members. If all these quangos were brought
in-house, chaired by Assembly Ministers with the scrutiny done by non ministerial members
and the opposition, would this review your view on the subject? |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
I am not entirely persuaded that they
needed or their holiday. One of the biggest downsides is that they are never there. If
they were doing more there would be a justification for an agenda. Then you have to grow
with it. You can say we are doing all these things, things are getting better, and as a
result we genuinely need more capacity in order to improve. You are not going to convince
ordinary folk suddenly to expand by another however many if things did not get better
overnight. |
Cllr Colin Mann |
My colleagues certainly compare the
number of hours they work and they could quote 50-70 hours a week, with the various
duties, but the apparent hours of the assembly members, and I know a lot of them sit on
committees, Houses of Parliament, or whatever, but it is an issue in the public
perception. As I said earlier, with proper powers in the Assembly, I would certainly
accept that we would have probably 80 members. I see it as a process, not an event. I see
that as an ongoing process and we have to have quid-pro-quo on the numbers elected. |
Sir Michael Wheeler-Booth |
There has been a lot of stress on the
elected members. What do you think of the recommendations in the Sunderland report? |
Cllr Colin Mann |
My party favours single transferable
votes. |
Sandy Blair |
The Association sticks with first past
the post that we have now. |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
We are not particularly happy with the
electoral arrangements in the Assembly either. We would advocate first past the post
there. But as a compromise we would look at tweaking the existing arrangements, and there
is no support for the existing mechanism for election- |
Sir Michael Wheeler-Booth |
Tweak the existing mechanism to do what? |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
For a start we do not thing it is right
that the same person can be on a constituencys ballot paper and also be a regional
candidate. This is something that confuses the electorate no end, the fact that a
candidate can stand in Cardiff North and be defeated, and suddenly end up representing the
whole of Cardiff. They can not understand that. |
Sir Michael Wheeler-Booth |
If you were keeping the same numbers,
what electoral system would you put in its place? |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
What we are arguing in this document, is
that we have arrangements in place, so that if you are going to have a system of 40
members elected by constituency on a first past the post basis, and retain the other 20,
those 20 members ought to be in proportion to the votes cast in each of the regions, and
that the individuals that get elected to the Assembly should be those that poll the most
number of votes in the first past the post election. At the moment you have a situation
where somebody can poll 2,000 votes in a first cast of votes, compared to another person
in the same party that polls 10,000 in the first cast of votes, but the person with the
lower number of votes is the one that actually wins through to go to the list. |
Cllr Colin Mann |
That is a huge confusion for me. |
Cllr Russell Goodway |
It does need to be looked at. We take
the view that if you are going to retain 60 Assembly members, first you ought not to be
able to be a candidate on both lists, but if that is to remain, there needs to be a way of
ensuring that the person demonstrates the greatest amount of popular support to be the one
that wins through, not the one that demonstrated the least amount of popular support. This
is what happens at the moment. |
Cllr Colin Mann |
There are many countries in the world
where this works and we think it is a fairer system and certainly less confusing that we
have at the moment. |
Lord Richard |
Can I thank you very much for a very
enjoyable session. |
Sandy Blair |
Can we just mention that in addition to
local authorities, we also hold membership of fire authorities, police authorities and
national parks. We understand you are taking separate evidence and we are supportive of
the evidence of the police. We understand and we ought to acknowledge- |
Lord Richard |
You are going to send us that? |
Sandy Blair |
Yes. |
Lord Richard |
Good. Thank you very much indeed. |